Thursday, January 31, 2008

A Arrogancia dos Governos de Mocambique e Angola

Nao e' nenhuma novidade ouvir de que os governantes de Mocambique e de Angola criaram barreira contra o encontro entre o amigo deles, Roberto Mugabe, dictator do Zimbabwe e o dirigente do movimento democratico do Zimbabwe. Todods intelectuais da Africa em particular os da Africa Austral sabem e conhecem muito bem os dirigentes da passada era que o interesse deles e' manter o poder a todo custo. A plataforma do pensar dos dirigented dos governos Angolano e Mocambique e' o mesma e estes governos apenas lhes faltam passar e apresentar uma lei que recomenta um governo unico e vitalicio nos seus paises. Por isso se opoem ao espirito de paz promovido pelo Thabo Mbeki. Entretanto deveriam reconhecer que o tempo ja chegou. O tempo chegou para mudarmos a historia e tipo de governacao na Africa e em particular na Africa Austral e esse tempo nunca e jamais sera' travado.

Por isso acampanhamos os problemas que (Kenya)estra confrontar. Os dirigentes Mocambicanos e Angolanos sao cubartes ate ao ponto de empedir os direitos e paz dos povos de paises vizinhos.

Uma pergunta aparece por de tras das nossas cabecas: Porque razao o Srs. Guebuza e Eduardo dos Santos travam as iniciativas de paz e prosperidade do povo Zimbabweano?

Eles se comportam desta maneira poque sabem que o Zimbabwe serve de uma sombrinha dos seus actos. Eles sabem muito bem que um Zimbabwe com uma paz e sistema democratico ira' criar uma agitacao em Mocambique e Angola. Por isso eles O Guebuza e Eduado ficam contra a verdade no Zimbabwe. O objectivo e' de manter o Zimababwe assim como esta' para beneficiar na cobertura dos actos dos seus governos paroquiais.

Zimbabwe: Face-to-Face Talks Between Tsvangirai And Mugabe Scuttled

SW Radio Africa (London)

30 January 2008
Posted to the web 30 January 2008

By Tichaona Sibanda

A face-to-face meeting between Mugabe and Tsvangirai to try to resolve the talks has been scuttled - by Angola and Mozambique. The meeting was due to take place on Friday but the two countries blocked South African President Thabo Mbeki's initiative that was to see the two protagonists under the same roof in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

A highly placed source told us Mbeki had suggested to the SADC Heads of State that Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai come together under one roof to attempt to thrash out a workable solution to the deadlocked crisis talks. Since all SADC leaders would be assembling in Ethiopia for the annual African Union summit that starts on Thursday, Mbeki had wanted to use the opportunity to brief SADC leaders on the progress of the talks. The SADC talks are expected to be held on the sidelines of the AU summit.

'This was going to be the first ever meeting between Mugabe and Tsvangirai and Mbeki had sought to have both in his Troika briefing, so that they could present their case to the regional grouping that initiated the negotiations,' said the source.

The rest of the SADC Heads of State felt comfortable with the idea but Angola and Mozambique, the two countries whose leaders stand firmly behind Mugabe, vetoed the idea.

'Mugabe did his homework and realised his party would almost certainly be blamed for the impasse. By calling on his friends to block Mbeki's initiative was a drawback for the South African leader,' the source added.

The SADC briefing will go ahead as scheduled with Mugabe in attendance, but with no-one presenting facts from the opposition. Tsvangirai has been in Johannesburg waiting for the call to fly to Ethiopia for the crunch talks, but has now shelved the plans following the veto by Angola and Mozambique.

A political analyst in Johannesburg who asked not to be named said it was high time people wrote an obituary of the crisis talks because they were 'dead'.

'Lets not pretend about who is to blame for the crisis, the SADC leaders know the source of the problems, the international community is well updated and no one seems to have an idea how to deal with it. I think its time Zimbabweans reflected on this and not rely on other people to sort out their problems,' said the analyst.

Monday, January 28, 2008

Barack Obama’s South Carolina Primary Speech

BARACK OBAMA: Thank you, South Carolina! (Cheers, applause.)

(Chants of "Yes, We Can! Yes, We Can!")

MR. OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you.

(Continued chants of "Yes, We Can!")

MR. OBAMA: Thank you, everybody. Thank you. Thank you, South Carolina. (Cheers, applause.) Thank you. Thank you, South Carolina. Thank you to the rock of my life, Michelle Obama. (Cheers, applause.)

Thank you to Malia and Sasha Obama, who haven't seen their daddy in a week. (Cheers, applause.) Thank you to Pete Skidmore for his outstanding service to our country and being such a great supporter of this campaign. (Cheers, applause.)

You know, over two weeks ago we saw the people of Iowa proclaim that our time for change has come. (Cheers, applause.) But there were those who doubted this country's desire for something new, who said Iowa was a fluke, not to be repeated again. Well, tonight the cynics who believed that what began in the snows of Iowa was just an illusion were told a different story by the good people of South Carolina. (Cheers, applause.)

After four great contests in every corner of this country, we have the most votes, the most delegates -- (cheers, applause) -- and the most diverse coalition of Americans that we've seen in a long, long time. (Cheers, applause.)

You can see it in the faces here tonight. There are young and old, rich and poor. They are black and white, Latino and Asian and Native American. (Cheers, applause.) They are Democrats from Des Moines and independents from Concord and, yes, some Republicans from rural Nevada. And we've got young people all across this country who've never had a reason to participate until now. (Cheers, applause.)

And in nine days, in nine short days, nearly half the nation will have the chance to join us in saying that we are tired of business as usual in Washington. (Cheers, applause.) We are hungry for change, and we are ready to believe again. (Cheers, applause.)

(Chants of "We Want Change! We Want Change!")

But if there's anything, though, that we've been reminded of since Iowa, it's that the kind of change we seek will not come easy. Now, partly because we have fine candidates in this field, fierce competitors who are worthy of our respect and our admiration -- (applause) -- and as contentious as this campaign may get, we have to remember that this is a contest for the Democratic nomination and that all of us share an abiding desire to end the disastrous policies of the current administration. (Cheers, applause.)

But there are real differences between the candidates. We are looking for more than just a change of party in the White House. We're looking to fundamentally change the status quo in Washington. (Cheers, applause.) It's a status quo that extends beyond any particular party. And right now that status quo is fighting back with everything it's got, with the same old tactics that divide and distract us from solving the problems people face, whether those problems are health care that folks can't afford or a mortgage they cannot pay.

So this will not be easy. Make no mistake about what we're up against. We're up against the belief that it's all right for lobbyists to dominate our government, that they are just part of the system in Washington. But we know that the undue influence of lobbyists is part of the problem, and this election is our chance to say that we are not going to let them stand in our way anymore. (Cheers, applause.)

We're up against the conventional thinking that says your ability to lead as president comes from longevity in Washington or proximity to the White House. But we know that real leadership is about candor and judgment and the ability to rally Americans from all walks of life around a common purpose, a higher purpose. (Cheers, applause.)

We're up against decades of bitter partisanship that cause politicians to demonize their opponents instead of coming together to make college affordable or energy cleaner. It's the kind of partisanship where you're not even allowed to say that a Republican had an idea, even if it's one you never agreed with. That's the kind of politics that is bad for our party. It is bad for our country. And this is our chance to end it once and for all. (Cheers, applause.)

We're up against the idea that it's acceptable to say anything and do anything to win an election. But we know that this is exactly what's wrong with our politics. This is why people don't believe what their leaders say anymore. This is why they tune out. And this election is our chance to give the American people a reason to believe again. (Cheers, applause.)

But let me say this, South Carolina. What we've seen in these last weeks is that we're also up against forces that are not the fault of any one campaign but feed the habits that prevent us from being who we want to be as a nation.

It's a politics that uses religion as a wedge and patriotism as a bludgeon, a politics that tells us that we have to think, act, and even vote within the confines of the categories that supposedly define us, the assumption that young people are apathetic, the assumption that Republicans won't cross over, the assumption that the wealthy care nothing for the poor and that the poor don't vote, the assumption that African-Americans can't support the white candidate, whites can't support the African-American candidate, blacks and Latinos cannot come together.

We are here tonight to say that that is not the America we believe in. (Cheers, applause.)

(Chants of "Yes, We Can! Yes, We Can!")

I did not travel around this state over the last year and see a white South Carolina or a black South Carolina. I saw South Carolina -- (cheers, applause) -- because in the end, we're not up just against the ingrained and destructive habits of Washington. We're also struggling with our own doubts, our own fears, our own cynicism. The change we seek has always required great struggle and great sacrifice. And so this is a battle in our own hearts and minds about what kind of country we want and how hard we're willing to work for it.

So let me remind you tonight that change will not be easy. Change will take time. There will be setbacks and false starts, and sometimes we'll make mistakes. But as hard as it may seem, we cannot lose hope, because there are people all across this great nation who are counting on us, who can't afford another four years without health care. (Cheers.) They can't afford another four years without good schools. (Cheers.) They can't afford another four years without decent wages because our leaders couldn't come together and get it done.

Theirs are the stories and voices we carry on from South Carolina -- the mother who can't get Medicaid to cover all the needs of her sick child. She needs us to pass a health care plan that cuts costs and makes health care available and affordable for every single American. That's what she's looking for. (Cheers, applause.)

The teacher who works another shift at Dunkin' Donuts after school just to make ends meet -- she needs us to reform our education system so that she gets better pay and more support and that students get the resources that they need to achieve their dreams. (Cheers, applause.)

The Maytag worker who's now competing with his own teenager for a $7-an-hour job at the local Wal-Mart because the factory he gave his life to shut its doors -- he needs us to stop giving tax breaks to companies that ship our jobs overseas and start putting them in the pockets of working Americans who deserve it -- (cheers, applause) -- and put them in the pockets of struggling homeowners who are having a tough time, and looking after seniors who should retire with dignity and respect.

That woman who told me that she hasn't been able to breathe since the day her nephew left for Iraq, or the soldier who doesn't know his child because he's on his third or fourth or even fifth tour of duty -- they need us to come together and put an end to a war that should have never been authorized and should have never been waged. (Cheers, applause.)

So understand this, South Carolina. The choice in this election is not between regions or religions or genders. It's not about rich versus poor, young versus old, and it is not about black versus white.

(Cheers, applause.)

This election is about the past versus the future. (Cheers, applause.) It's about whether we settle for the same divisions and distractions and drama that passes for politics today or whether we reach for a politics of common sense and innovation, a politics of shared sacrifice and shared prosperity.

There are those who will continue to tell us that we can't do this, that we can't have what we're looking for, that we can't have what we want, that we're peddling false hopes. But here's what I know. I know that when people say we can't overcome all the big money and influence in Washington, I think of that elderly woman who sent me a contribution the other day, an envelope that had a money order for $3.01 -- (cheers, applause) -- along with a verse of Scripture tucked inside the envelope. So don't tell us change isn't possible. That woman knows change is possible. (Cheers, applause.)

When I hear the cynical talk that blacks and whites and Latinos can't join together and work together, I'm reminded of the Latino brothers and sisters I organized with and stood with and fought with side by side for jobs and justice on the streets of Chicago. So don't tell us change can't happen. (Cheers, applause.)

When I hear that we'll never overcome the racial divide in our politics, I think about that Republican woman who used to work for Strom Thurmond, who's now devoted to educating inner-city children, and who went out into the streets of South Carolina and knocked on doors for this campaign. Don't tell me we can't change. (Cheers, applause.)

Yes, we can. Yes, we can change.

(Chants of "Yes, We Can! Yes, We Can!")

Yes, we can.

(Continued chants of "Yes, We Can!")

Yes, we can heal this nation. Yes, we can seize our future. And as we leave this great state with a new wind at our backs, and we take this journey across this great country, a country we love, with the message we've carried from the plains of Iowa to the hills of New Hampshire, from the Nevada desert to the South Carolina coast, the same message we had when we were up and when we were down, that out of many we are one, that while we breathe we will hope, and where we are met with cynicism and doubt and fear and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of the American people in three simple words
Yes, we can.

Thank you, South Carolina. I love you. (Cheers, applause.)

Tuesday, January 8, 2008

África do Sul: Nova liderança do ANC apoia Zuma na corrida à presidência

Joanesburgo, 08 Jan (Lusa) - O novo líder do Congresso Nacional Africano (ANC), Jacob Zuma, é o candidato do movimento à presidência da África do Sul em 2009, anunciou hoje o ANC.

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Em comunicado, o comité executivo do ANC reitera incondicional e total apoio a Zuma, eleito presidente do movimento na conferência nacional em Dezembro, e garante que Zuma será o candidato do movimento às eleições gerais do próximo ano.

O comité executivo "reitera o seu apoio ao presidente do ANC nestes tempos difíceis", acrescenta o texto, assinado pelo novo secretário-geral do ANC, Gwede Mantashe.

No mesmo comunicado, o comité executivo, que se reuniu segunda-feira em Joanesburgo pela primeira vez desde que foi eleito em Dezembro na conferência de Polokwane (norte), manifesta estranheza pelas novas acusações contra Zuma apresentadas pela Procuradoria-Geral sul-africana em 28 de Dezembro.

Jacob Zuma foi acusado de corrupção, fraude, lavagem de capitais, extorsão e evasão de fiscal num caso que envolve a aquisição de equipamento de defesa para as forças armadas e o fabricante francês Thales.

Esta decisão, considerada uma vingança política pelos aliados de Zuma, poderá impedir a sua eleição para a presidência caso seja condenado.

No comunicado, o comité "reafirma o seu empenhamento em favor da independência da justiça", questionada pelos apoiantes de Zuma, nomeadamente pela confederação sindical Cosatu e pela Liga da Juventude do ANC.

A citação para comparecer perante a justiça, entregue dez dias após a eleição de Zuma, faz começar o processo a 14 de Julho, altura em que o ANC iniciará a campanha para as eleições gerais de 2009.

Em 2005, o Presidente sul-africano Mbeki demitiu Zuma do cargo de vice-presidente depois do seu assessor financeiro ter sido condenado a 15 anos de prisão efectiva.

Apesar do assessor, Schabir Shaik, ter sido condenado por "associação corrupta" com Zuma, quando o processo-crime contra o antigo vice-presidente sul-africano chegou pela primeira vez ao tribunal o juiz mandou arquivá-lo por falta de provas.

Jacob Zuma, de 65 anos, casou segunda-feira, numa cerimónia tradicional zulu, com a quarta mulher e mãe de dois dos seus vários filhos.


Friday, January 4, 2008

Obama wins Iowa as candidate for Change

DES MOINES, Iowa (CNN) -- Sen. Barack Obama's victory Thursday in critical Democratic Iowa caucuses indicate voters saw him as a candidate of change, according to entrance polls.

Sen. Barack Obama won young people's votes and also those whose focus is on various issues.
1 of 2 The freshman Illinois senator was CNN's projected winner in the key early step toward the White House, with 38 percent of the vote and 99 percent of precincts reporting.

"On this January night, at this defining moment in history, you have done what the cynics said we couldn't do," Obama told wildly cheering and chanting supporters Thursday night. "We are choosing hope over fear, we are choosing unity over division and sending a powerful message that change is coming to America."

CNN projected that Sen. Hillary Clinton of New York -- the front-runner in the months leading up to this year's campaign -- will finish third and former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards will be in second place.

With 99 percent of precincts reporting, Edwards was second with 30 percent and Clinton was third with 29 percent.

"Just over half of Democratic caucus-goers said change was the No. 1 factor they were looking for in a candidate, and 51 percent of those voters chose Barack Obama," said CNN senior political analyst Bill Schneider. "That compares to only 19 percent of 'change' caucus-goers who preferred Clinton."

Twenty percent of Democrats said Clinton's campaign mantra -- experience -- was the most important attribute of a presidential candidate.

At Obama's caucus-night headquarters in Des Moines, the hall filled with people late Thursday in anticipation of the candidate's speech.

The supporters, many of them young, screamed "We did it!"

When vote returns appeared on big television screens, the crowd burst into spontaneous rounds of Obama's campaign chant: "Fired up -- Ready to go!"

Obama campaigned in Iowa as the true agent for change in a field of Democrats hoping to cash in on voter dissatisfaction with President Bush.

He banked heavily on the support of first-time caucus participants and independents, whom pre-caucus polls suggested were responding well to a campaign that included promises to work across party lines if elected.

CNN's entrance polls suggested that message resonated. Younger caucus-goers and those who said they want change gave significant support to Obama.

Fifty-seven percent of poll respondents age 17 to 29 said they supported Obama, compared with 11 percent for Clinton and 13 percent for Edwards, according to entrance polls. Surprising analysts, female voters also selected Obama over Clinton.

David Axelrod, senior adviser to Obama, said the campaign was thrilled at the support from young voters, independents and "some disillusioned Republicans and new voters."

He said the campaign has aimed to bring in new voters and that the Democratic Party "has to start thinking about how to bring a coalition together behind a progressive agenda."

Democratic caucus turnout was much higher than four years ago. "With 93.5 percent of the precincts reporting we are seeing record turnout with 218,000 caucus attendees," said a statement from the state Democratic Party. In 2004, the turnout was about 125,000.

Edwards opened his remarks to supporters Thursday by talking about change.

"The one thing that's clear from the results in Iowa tonight is the status quo lost and change won," Edwards said. Watch Edwards vow to keep on fighting »

Obama's victory came despite Clinton's support from EMILY's List, a national group that works to elect female candidates who favor abortion rights. The group contacted 60,000 Iowa women with no history of caucusing and asked them to support Clinton.

The Clinton campaign itself also contacted tens of thousands of Iowans who had never caucused. Most of them were age 50 and above. The campaign set up a "buddy" system to encourage the newcomers to attend caucuses.

Appearing in front of cheering supporters Thursday with her husband, former President Bill Clinton, at her side, Clinton refused to back down.

"I am so ready for the rest of this campaign and I am so ready to lead," she said, smiling. Watch Clinton's speech after failing to win »

"I have done this work for 35 years, it is the work of my lifetime," Clinton said. "I have been involved in making it possible for young people to have a better education and for people of all ages to have health care and that transforming work is what we desperately need in our country again."

"I think you could probably look at two things when it comes to Hillary Clinton: One is the sense that she could be very divisive in a general election campaign -- people in Iowa don't seem to want that," said CNN political analyst Gloria Borger. "And secondly, her history question, the Clinton baggage, if you will. There are a lot of voters there who are saying, 'We want to get beyond that.' "

Obama also did well among caucusers with varied issues at the top of their concerns. Thirty-four percent of voters who said their top issue was health care went for Obama, according to entrance polls; 35 percent among those who said the Iraq war was their top issue chose Obama; 36 percent among those who chose the economy chose him.

David Gergen, a former White House aide under Republican and the Clinton administrations, pointed out that Iowa was not a strong state for Clinton from the start. "The Clintons are nothing if not resilient," he said. "They will fight back. For Barack Obama, this is a personal triumph. For an African-American to go into a state that's 95 percent white and win against Mrs. Clinton is an absolutely remarkable victory."

The caucuses spelled the end for two other senators with White House aspirations. Sen. Joe Biden of Delaware will abandon his bid for the Democratic presidential nomination, three sources told CNN. Biden received 1 percent in the Iowa caucuses.

Democratic Sen. Chris Dodd of Connecticut also will drop out of the race, campaign sources told CNN Thursday. Dodd received less than 1 percent in the Iowa caucuses. E-mail to a friend

CNN's Candy Crowley, Suzanne Malveaux and Jessica Yellin contributed to this report.

All About John Edwards • Hillary Clinton • Barack Obama • Bill Richardson • Joseph Biden

Huckabee, Obama have huge night in Iowa

DES MOINES, Iowa (CNN) -- Barack Obama and Mike Huckabee have claimed victories in Iowa's first-in-the-nation caucuses.

Sen. Barack Obama says the night was a "defining moment in history."
2 of 2 more photos » With all Democratic precincts reporting, Obama had the support of 38 percent of voters, compared to 30 percent for John Edwards and 29 percent for Hillary Clinton.

"The numbers tell us this was a debate between change and experience, and change won," said CNN political analyst Bill Schneider.

Iowa delivered fatal blows to the campaigns of Sen. Chris Dodd of Connecticut and Sen. Joe Biden of Delaware. Both have decided to abandon their White House runs.

New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson, who finished fourth, said his campaign plans to "take the fight to New Hampshire."

New Hampshire holds the nation's first primary Tuesday.

Clinton and Obama are in a statistical dead heat in New Hampshire, according to the latest CNN/WMUR poll. Watch where millions of dollars and months of campaigning have left candidates »

On the GOP side, Sen. John McCain of Arizona, whose campaign was languishing six months ago, and former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney are now tied for first place in New Hampshire, according to the poll, which was released Wednesday.

McCain left Iowa before caucus night even began. He was already in New Hampshire by Thursday afternoon, trying to get a jump on his rivals.

For the winners of both party's caucuses in Iowa, it's an age revolt for Democrats versus a religious revolt for Republicans, Schneider said.

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Among Democrats, Obama took 57 percent of the under-30 vote, according to CNN's analysis of entrance polls. Watch Obama celebrate his victory

Speaking to supporters, Obama called the night a "defining moment in history."

"You came together as Democrats, Republicans and independents to stand up and say that we are one nation, we are one people and our time for change has come." Watch an audio slideshow of the candidates' speeches »

Huckabee's victory can be attributed to his overwhelming support among evangelical voters and women, the polls indicate.

With 92 percent of Republican precincts reporting, Huckabee, former governor of Arkansas, had the support of 34 percent of voters, compared to 25 percent for Romney. Fred Thompson had 13 percent, McCain had 13 percent and Ron Paul had 10 percent. What do the results mean? »

Former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani, who has turned the focus of his campaign to the February 5 "Super Tuesday" primaries, trailed with 4 percent.

"We've paid a lot of attention to states that some other candidates haven't paid a lot of attention to," Giuliani said, adding, "Time will tell what the best strategy is." Watch Giuliani describe his strategy »

Huckabee was vastly outspent by Romney, who poured millions of dollars into a sophisticated get-out-the-vote operation.

"People really are more important than the purse, and what a great lesson for America to learn," Huckabee said in thanking his supporters. Watch Huckabee claim victory »

For most of 2007, Huckabee languished in the single digits in the polls and had very little success raising money. But his momentum picked up in the final six weeks of the year when social conservatives -- an important voting bloc in Iowa -- began to move his way.

"We won the silver ... You win the silver in one event. It doesn't mean you're not going to come back and win the gold in the final event, and that we are going to do," Romney said.

Clinton, speaking with 96 percent of the vote in, portrayed herself as the candidate who could bring about the change the voters want.

"I am so ready for the rest of this campaign, and I am so ready to lead," she said.

Clinton had worked to convince Iowa caucus-goers she has the experience to enact change, while Edwards and Obama preached that she is too much of a Washington insider to bring change to the nation's capital.

Edwards, in a tight race for second, said Iowa's results show that "the status quo lost and change won." Watch Edwards describe his next move »

"Now we move on ... to determine who is best suited to bring about the changes this country so desperately needs," he said.

McCain, who had largely abandoned Iowa to focus on the New Hampshire primary, said, "The lessons of tonight's election in Iowa are that one, you can't buy an election in Iowa; and two, that negative campaigns don't work." Watch what McCain says about the results »

With such a close race on both sides, voter turnout was key. The Iowa Democratic Party reported seeing record turnout. The party said there were at least 227,000 caucus attendees. The Iowa GOP projected that 120,000 people took part in the Republican caucuses. See how candidates courted voters »

The Iowa Democratic Party said 124,000 people participated in the 2004 caucuses, while the Republican Party of Iowa estimated that 87,000 people took part in the 2000 caucuses. (President Bush ran unchallenged for a second term in 2004.)

Caucus-goer Kathy Barger, inside a Democratic caucus site in Walnut, Iowa, said the room she was in was packed to the brim with a line out the door. Watch what it was like inside the caucus »

"I don't know how they are going to be able to fit everybody in the room, much less count the votes," she said. "There are bodies in every available space in the room."

The White House hopefuls campaigned down to the wire in Iowa, determined to reach as many people as possible before the 1,781 caucuses that started at 7 p.m.

Iowa Democrats, unlike Republicans, use a more complicated system to determine a candidate's viability. Republican caucus-goers are asked for their support for a candidate only one time during the event. Democrats are asked twice: an initial question of support, and a second if their first-choice candidate does not reach a 15 percent threshold to achieve viability.

Among Republican candidates, Thompson, a former senator from Tennessee, and Rep. Duncan Hunter of California needed strong showings in Iowa to keep their campaigns going, while Paul, a representative from Texas, is likely to ride his surge of popularity through February 5 -- "Super Tuesday," when 24 states hold their primaries -- no matter where he places in the early contests. E-mail to a friend

CNN's Mark Preston, Peter Hamby, Dana Bash and Candy Crowley contributed to this report.

Thursday, January 3, 2008

'Genocide on a grand scale' in Kenya, opposition leader says

NAIROBI, Kenya (CNN) -- Children's bodies were piled in a Nairobi morgue, churches burned and police on horseback chased pedestrians through the streets as Kenya's political crisis stretched into a fifth day Thursday.

The feet of the dead are shown in a Nairobi morgue on Thursday.

1 of 4 more photos » Meanwhile, the country's attorney general called for a recount and independent investigation into the December 27 election in which incumbent President Mwai Kibaki was declared the victor over opposition candidate Raila Odinga.

Violent protests ensued after results were announced Sunday and the number of dead has surpassed 300 people.

At a Nairobi morgue on Thursday, Odinga toured freezing rooms of the dead and saw the bodies of babies and children piled on shelves, according to an Associated Press report. It was unclear when those in the morgue died, but Odinga supporters said some died on Thursday.

"What we have just seen defies description," Odinga told journalists after visiting the morgue. "We can only describe it as genocide on a grand scale."

Odinga called off a "million man" rally planned for a Nairobi park on Thursday, but not before police clashed with Odinga supporters headed to the event.

Images provided to CNN by I-Reporter Duncan Musicha Waswa showed riot police on horseback chasing citizens on Nairobi's Bunyala Road. Those going about their daily business raised their hands to avoid the wrath of police, Waswa told CNN. Watch I-Report of violence on Nairobi street »

Government forces used tear gas and water cannon to disperse the crowds.

"We are a peaceful people who do not want violence," William Ruto, a top official with Odinga's party told The AP. "That is why we are peacefully dispersing now."

Odinga called the meeting despite a government ban on such gatherings, having been forced to abandon his first attempt on Monday soon after the onset of the conflict.

Despite this week's two failed gatherings, the opposition Orange Democratic Movement now hopes to hold one Friday to protest the result of the elections.

Meanwhile, Kenyan Attorney General Amos Wako called for a recount and a government of national unity, according to a statement from his office.

Wako, who has been Kenya's attorney general since 1991, oversaw the nation's transition from one-party rule to democracy that year. And under his watch in 2002, an incumbent party was ousted by the opposition in national elections, according to Wako's government Web site.

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Also Thursday, Archbishop Desmond Tutu began meeting with opposition officials, including Odinga, in an effort to mediate the election dispute.

"We've come to express our solidarity with the people of Kenya to express our sympathy at the carnage that has happened, hoping that we will be able to encourage the leadership to take action that would stop that carnage," Tutu said.

It was not immediately clear if the Nobel laureate would also talk with Kibaki's party. But government spokesman Alfred Mutua told the AP no such plans were in the works and Kenya had no need for mediators because "we are not in a civil war."

In Washington, the State Department said Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer, America's top diplomat for Africa, was headed to Nairobi to put pressure on leaders to stop the bloodshed, AP reported.

Odinga's supporters had slowly made their way to Uhuru Park for the rally, but were met by government security forces.

"There are fewer protesters here than there are guards," journalist David McKenzie said from the Nairobi slum of Kibera before the rally was canceled.

"But earlier, tear gas was thrown at them, and then there were running battles up and down the street ... with water cannon spraying and dispersing the people here."

There were also reports of government troops firing live rounds above protesters' heads, as the smoke of tires being burned in protest began to choke the air over the capital. Flames also could be seen leaping from some of the shacks that fill the capital's slums.

At least one church was burning. Watch as church burns in Nairobi slum »

As many as 75,000 people have been internally displaced by the violence, the government said on Tuesday.

The government banned political gatherings before the elections, and the ban will remain in place "until the current security situation normalizes," government spokesman Alfred Mutua said Tuesday.

Violence erupted in the normally peaceful African country over the weekend, as frustration mounted at the slow pace of vote counting. It came to a head after the nation's Election Commission announced Sunday that the incumbent Kibaki won with 51.3 percent of the vote, while Odinga had 48.7 percent.

Since then, more than 200 people have been killed, the government said, but other accounts put the death toll at more than 300.

The government has halted all live broadcasts in the country, part of an effort to bring tensions down. The ODM called the move a "direct curtailment of freedom of expression rights that contravenes provisions of our constitution."

A local reporter on Wednesday told CNN he witnessed youths from minority ethnic groups manning checkpoints outside Eldoret, about 185 miles (300 kilometers) northwest of Nairobi, and refusing entry to members of the Kikuyu ethnic group.

Kenyans are required to carry identification cards, and a person's name often indicates what ethnic group they are from.

Kibaki is a member of the Kikuyu, Kenya's largest ethnic group which comprises roughly 22 percent of the country's population. Odinga belongs to the Luo group, which makes up about 13 percent of Kenya's population. E-mail to a friend

CNN's Matthew Chance, Paula Newton and journalist David McKenzie contributed to this report

Kenya bloodshed leads to accusations of genocide

By C. Bryson Hull and Andrew Cawthorne
Jan 3, 2008
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Share NAIROBI (Reuters) - President Mwai Kibaki's government accused rival Raila Odinga's party of unleashing "genocide" in Kenya on Wednesday as the death toll from tribal violence over a disputed election passed 300.

"It is becoming clear that these well-organized acts of genocide and ethnic cleansing were well planned, financed and rehearsed by Orange Democratic Movement leaders prior to the general elections," said the statement read by Lands Minister Kivutha Kibwana on behalf of his colleagues.

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Odinga's party shot back that the government was also "bordering on genocide" by ordering police to shoot protesters enraged by Kibaki's victory in the December 27 polls that international observers said fell short of democratic standards.

Both sides alleged massive rigging.

Kenya is an important ally of the West in its counter-terrorism efforts, takes growing money flows from China, and is used to being the peacemaker in African hot-spots like Somalia and Sudan rather than the problem.

Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe was targeted in the initial violence, but revenge killings by Kikuyus are on the rise in mayhem that rights groups say has been exacerbated by a police crackdown on rioting and looting.

Apparently offering an olive branch to the ODM, which draws most of its support from western Kenya's Luo tribe, Kibaki invited all members of the new opposition-dominated parliament to a meeting at State House in Nairobi.

But no opposition MPs attended as Odinga demanded outside mediation: "We cannot dialogue with a thief," he told reporters. "We are not interested in talking with Kibaki without international mediation."

A statement by Kibaki's office deplored the violence and vowed to secure roads "so essential goods and services can reach people in the areas and other countries in the region."


Ghanaian President and African Union Chairman John Kufuor has been urged by the West to mediate and was waiting to talk to Kibaki before deciding whether to go himself or send a team.
British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said Kufuor would fly to meet Kibaki and Odinga on Thursday. Late on Wednesday, Finance Minister Amos Kimunya told BBC Radio there was no need for Ghana's president to come.

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Odinga plans a mass rally on Thursday that the government has banned on security grounds.

The use of the word genocide will horrify Kenyans, used to being viewed by the world as a stable democracy, an investment and tourist destination and oasis of peace in a volatile region.

The turmoil delayed trading in the shilling currency, which then dropped to a six-week low. Stocks also fell and tea and coffee auctions were postponed.

Standard & Poor's cut Kenya's long-term local currency credit rating to 'B+' from 'BB-' and said if the violence was not resolved, the foreign currency credit rating could be lowered as well. It put both the long-term foreign and local currency ratings on "CreditWatch with negative implications."

Kenya's long-term foreign-currency rating from S&P is B+ and its long-term issuer default rating from Fitch Ratings is B+. Moody's Investors Service does not rate the country.


More than 300 people have died in an explosion of tribal violence since Kibaki's disputed re-election on Sunday.

British Foreign Minister David Miliband and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice called for an end to violence and "an intensive political and legal process" to end the crisis.

As young men armed with machetes manned roadblocks in rural areas, a trickle of office workers in the capital Nairobi made it through police cordons to begin the new working year.

A local and an international rights group gave a death toll of "more than 300" and accused Kenyan security forces of having "bloodily repressed" protests by opposition supporters.

"As a reaction, some protesters are responsible for the assassination of Kikuyus," added the Kenya Human Rights Commission and the International Federation for Human Rights.
On Tuesday, about 30 Kikuyus died when a mob set fire to the church where they had taken sanctuary in the western town of Eldoret. It was one the worst outbursts of violence that has uprooted nearly 100,000 Kenyans, some fleeing to Uganda.

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There were growing examples on Wednesday of revenge killings by Kikuyu militants. In Naivasha town in the Rift Valley, scores of people were injured in retaliation for the church killings.

The Kikuyu have dominated political and business life in east Africa's biggest and fastest-growing economy since independence from Britain in 1963.

Adding to the chaos, Kenya's electoral commission head Samuel Kivuitu said: "I do not know" when asked if Kibaki won.

Kivuitu pronounced Kibaki the victor on Sunday, and his remark stunned Kenya and cast further doubt on the result.

(Additional reporting by Nicolo Gnecchi, Helen Nyambura-Mwaura, Katie Nguyen, George Obulutsa, Daniel Wallis, Antony Gitonga, Bryson Hull; Jeremy Lovell in London; Daniel Bases in New York; editing by Kevin Liffey)

Copyright 2008 Reuters News Service. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Kenya bloodshed leads to accusations of genocide - Continued
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The I Have a Dream Speech- By Martin Luther King Jr.

In 1950's America, the equality of man envisioned by the Declaration of Independence was far from a reality. People of color — blacks, Hispanics, Orientals — were discriminated against in many ways, both overt and covert. The 1950's were a turbulent time in America, when racial barriers began to come down due to Supreme Court decisions, like Brown v. Board of Education; and due to an increase in the activism of blacks, fighting for equal rights.

Martin Luther King, Jr., a Baptist minister, was a driving force in the push for racial equality in the 1950's and the 1960's. In 1963, King and his staff focused on Birmingham, Alabama. They marched and protested non-violently, raising the ire of local officials who sicced water cannon and police dogs on the marchers, whose ranks included teenagers and children. The bad publicity and break-down of business forced the white leaders of Birmingham to concede to some anti-segregation demands.

Thrust into the national spotlight in Birmingham, where he was arrested and jailed, King organized a massive march on Washington, DC, on August 28, 1963. On the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, he evoked the name of Lincoln in his "I Have a Dream" speech, which is credited with mobilizing supporters of desegregation and prompted the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The next year, King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

The following is the exact text of the spoken speech, transcribed from recordings.


I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"


Months of campaigning come down to final hours in Iowa

DES MOINES, Iowa (CNN) -- Mike Huckabee is touring the state with actor Chuck Norris. Hillary Clinton is distributing snow shovels to volunteers. John Edwards is on a 36-hour sprint, forsaking sleep to hold around-the-clock campaign events.

Barack Obama appears with daughters Malia, left, and Sasha during a campaign stop in Des Moines, Iowa.

1 of 3 more photos » After countless visits, dozens of policy speeches, more than $40 million in television advertising, and months -- if not years -- of building statewide political operations, the battle for Iowa comes down to one simple reality: The Republican and Democrat who turns out the most supporters wins the day.

And a win or a loss in the Iowa caucuses could very well determine the next president of the United States.

That's why the candidates are trying to convince every one of their supporters, young and old, to brave the biting January cold and attend one of the 1,781 caucuses around the state.

"We are very much in the turnout mode, and our effort to ID new supporters, while still continuing in small ways, is certainly not as robust as our turnout," said Gentry Collins, Iowa state director for Republican presidential hopeful Mitt Romney. "We are now working to contact all of the people we have identified over the course of a year as Romney supporters to talk to them about where the caucus is, what time it starts, and understanding the process itself." Learn how the caucuses work »

Every supporter is critical in this contest that historically produces very low turnout. The Iowa Democratic Party said 124,000 people participated in the 2004 caucuses, while the Republican Party of Iowa estimated that 87,000 people took part in the 2000 caucuses (President Bush ran unchallenged for a second term in 2004).

The candidates might disagree on matters of policy, but in the closing week of the Iowa campaign they are working from the same script on political strategy. Some candidates rode in buses, while others took planes to cities and towns across this state in 11th-hour drives to give one final boost of adrenalin to their candidacies. See the challenges facing each candidate »

"We love you Mike," a Huckabee supporter shouted out during one such event Tuesday evening at the Val Air Ballroom in West Des Moines, Iowa.

Huckabee answered in kind, but punctuated it with a very pointed request.

"I love you too, but we have got to stop meeting like this," he said. "We have got to meet at the caucuses Thursday night."

While there are no clear front-runners in the Democratic or Republican contests, there is probably no other candidate relying almost entirely on momentum to fuel his candidacy than Huckabee. He is a former Arkansas governor, who was known more for his dramatic weight loss than his politics.

For most of 2007, Huckabee languished in the single digits in the polls, and he had very little success raising money. Still, he never threw in the towel, and watched his fortunes start to turn with a surprise second-place showing in August at the Ames straw poll.

His momentum really picked up in the final six weeks of the year when social conservatives -- an important voting bloc in Iowa -- began to move his way. Huckabee, who is also an ordained Baptist minister, overtook Romney in the Hawkeye State polls, as well as seeing his numbers increase nationally.

But while it appears Huckabee has momentum, his ground operation does not match Romney's, a former Massachusetts governor who has spent millions of dollars identifying supporters. Instead, Huckabee said his get-out-the-vote operation will be driven by a mixture of official campaign activity and grassroots support from home-schoolers and backers of the Second Amendment.

Not all Republicans are focusing on Iowa. Rudy Giuliani, a front-runner in national polling, is skipping Iowa and focusing his sights on February 5 when more than 20 states will hold nominating contests. John McCain is staking his fortune on New Hampshire, a state he won in 2000 in his losing bid for the GOP nomination.

But McCain, who is also feeling a surge of support after his campaign imploded last summer, is returning to the state for the final hours before the caucuses. If McCain is able to place third in the caucuses it will be another thread in the storyline of the resurrection of his campaign.

Meanwhile, former Sen. Fred Thompson and Rep. Duncan Hunter will likely need strong showings in Iowa to keep their campaigns going, while Rep. Ron Paul is likely to ride his surge of popularity through February 5 no matter where he places in the early contests.

On the Democratic side, Clinton and Edwards are battling Sen. Barack Obama for their party's nomination in a contest that has come down to two main themes: change and experience. Clinton is working to convince Iowa caucus goers she has the experience to enact change, while Edwards and Obama preach that she is too much of a Washington insider to bring change to the nation's capital.

Obama got a little boost Tuesday when third-tier candidate Rep. Dennis Kucinich urged his supporters to back Obama on the second ballot if Kucinich does not reach viability on the first vote.

Iowa Democrats, unlike Republicans, have a more complicated system in determining a candidate's viability. Republican caucus-goers are asked their support for a candidate only one time during the event. Democrats are asked twice: an initial question of support, and then if their candidate does not reach the 15 percent threshold to achieve viability the supporter can back another candidate.

"It is a dead heat," said Steve Hildebrand, Obama's deputy campaign manager. "It has been for several weeks."

The second tier of Democratic candidates: Sens. Joe Biden and Chris Dodd, and New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson will all need strong showings in Iowa or risk incurring a fatal blow to their campaigns.

Traditionally, there are three tickets out of Iowa to the New Hampshire primary, but in this unpredictable 2008 election cycle it is likely more than three candidates in each party will be heading to the Granite State late Thursday night after the Iowa results are announced.

The spotlight will then pan east as candidates, campaign aides and the national media pull up stakes in Iowa and descend on New Hampshire as political ground zero for the next five days. E-mail to a friend

Kenyan march hit with tear gas

NAIROBI, Kenya (CNN) -- Tear gas and water cannon were fired at opposition supporters gathering for a banned rally in Nairobi as tension mounted in the Kenyan capital following days of brutal post-election violence.

Supporters of opposition leader Raila Odinga gather for a rally at Uhuru Park.

1 of 2 more photos » Opposition leader Raila Odinga called the meeting despite a government ban on such gatherings, having been forced to abandon his first attempt on Monday soon after the onset of the conflict.

Meanwhile, there were sporadic reports of violence, looting and fires in Nairobi's sprawling slums.

"All Kenyans are invited to Uhuru Park," a statement on Odinga's campaign Web site said ahead of the rally, as party officials expected at least a million people to attend.

The crowds were gathering as Archbishop Desmond Tutu began meeting with opposition officials, including Odinga, in an effort to mediate the election dispute.

It was not immediately clear if the Nobel laureate would also talk with President Mwai Kibaki's party. A government spokesman said a meeting could be arranged with Tutu if it would help with the process.

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"People are telling us the march is on," journalist David McKenzie said from the Nairobi slum of Kibera, as residents began streaming out of neighborhoods and toward the center of town.

"There are fewer protesters here than there are guards," McKenzie reported. "But earlier, tear gas was thrown at them, and then there were running battles up and down the street ... with water cannon spraying and dispersing the people here."

There were also reports of government troops firing live rounds above protesters' heads, as the smoke of tires being burned in protest began to choke the air over the capital. Flames also could be seen leaping from some of the shacks that fill the capital's slums.

As many as 75,000 people have been internally displaced by the violence, the government said on Tuesday. Watch an aid worker describe fears that crisis may resemble Rwanda's »

The government banned political gatherings before the December 27 elections, and the ban will remain place "until the current security situation normalizes," government spokesman Alfred Mutua said Tuesday.

Violence erupted in the normally peaceful country over the weekend, as frustration mounted at the slow pace of vote counting. The violence came to a head after the nation's Election Commission announced Sunday that the incumbent Kibaki won with 51.3 percent of the vote, while Odinga had 48.7 percent.

Since then, more than 200 people have been killed, the government said.

International observers said the balloting fell short of international standards for democratic elections.

On Wednesday, Kenya's police commissioner issued a reminder to citizens that the rally for Odinga's party, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), "has not been authorized and is therefore illegal."

"Any gatherings of any political group in large numbers will quite predictably evoke feelings of collective vengeance, and the ODM leaders who are convening this meeting have no means with which to control the expected violence," the commissioner's statement said.

"Further, police have information that there is a large band of criminals who have planned to exploit the gathering to cause chaos and looting within the city center."

On its Web site, the ODM called on Kibaki to protect all Kenyans.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is "increasingly troubled" by the crisis, a statement from his spokesman said, adding that Ban is "contacting the leadership in Kenya, the African Union and other concerned parties."

"The secretary-general reminds the government, as well as the political and religious leaders of Kenya, of their legal and moral responsibility to protect the innocent lives of people, regardless of their racial, religious or ethnic origin, and he strongly urges them to do everything within their capacity to prevent any further violence," the statement said.

"He urges all efforts be made to avoid provocations and violence during planned demonstrations on Thursday."

Turbulence was also reported Wednesday in the Nairobi suburb of Muthare, a government stronghold, where youths were seen carrying machetes.

Video and pictures sent by CNN viewers in Kenya showed deserted streets and looted stores. Some Nairobi residents described the situation as relatively calm but said they could hear sporadic gunfire.

Groups have also set up unofficial roadblocks and barricades, making it difficult for the Red Cross to deliver much-needed humanitarian assistance, the organization said in a statement.

Meanwhile, the government has halted all live broadcasts in the country, part of an effort to bring tensions down. The ODM called the move a "direct curtailment of freedom of expression rights that contravenes provisions of our constitution."

A local reporter on Wednesday told CNN he witnessed youths from minority tribal groups manning checkpoints outside Eldoret, about 185 miles (300 km) northwest of Nairobi, and refusing entry to members of the Kikuyu tribe.

Kenyans are required to carry identification cards, and a person's name often indicates what tribe they are from.

Kibaki is a member of the Kikuyu, Kenya's largest tribe which comprises roughly 22 percent of the country's population. Odinga belongs to the Luo tribe, which makes up about 13 percent of Kenya's population.

U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice spoke with Odinga by telephone Wednesday and planned to also call Kibaki to appeal for an end to the political tensions that are sparking the violence, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said.

She earlier joined British Foreign Secretary David Miliband in calling for calm, reconciliation and national unity.

The European Union and the African Union have both offered their help in mediation efforts, but the Kenyan government did not immediately welcome those offers.

Kenyan Finance Minister Amos Kiminya on Wednesday said AU's assistance was not needed and that tribal elders were being used to calm the situation. E-mail to a friend

CNN's Matthew Chance, Paula Newton and journalist David McKenzie contributed

Wednesday, January 2, 2008

Onda de Violencia no Quenia

A Violencia no Quenia reflecte a cultura politica Africana a qual todos partidos e groupos participantes na libertacao do pais seja por negociacoes ou guerras contra os colonos se acham iternos e vitalicio no poder. Essa e' a cultura politica Africana. Muitos dirigentes Africanos rotam o poder dentro das tribos ou groupos governantes deste as independencias dos paises Africanos faltando-lhes assim o reconhecimento da recente crescente onda democratica.

De notar que nao existe nenhum entre os dirigentes Africanos que possa mostrar a sabedoria no sentido de mostrar espirito democratico.

Nao podemos esquecer que este problema nao so com os dirigentes mas tambem com os povos pertencentes a suas tribos de origens. Por exemplo em Mocambique, alguns individuos do sul do pais mesmo os que pisaram nas univercidades acham que so quem pode ser PR de Mocambique sao pessoas nascidas ou pertencentes as tribos do sul.

Isso e' um grande erro e gostaria de apelar aos meus irmaos Mocambicanos que nas proximas eleicoes em Mocambique teremos que escolher o candidato que oferece esperanca e apresenta uma plataforma de uma visao, nao porque e' do sul, centro or Norte do pais. Nos temos que nos concentrar nos assuntos que tocam e inspiracao que eles trazem idependentimente das regioes de origem.

Esse example esta' por exemple no espirito do povo de Nacala porto, onde o Mayor (Presidente do Municipio) e' natural da provincia de Sofala. O sr. santos nao foi nomeado pelo executivo da Renamo mas sim foi eleito pelo povo de Nacala. Este exemplo devia ser abracado por todo Povo Mocambicano do Rovuma ao Maputo se bem que nao queremos ser emitadores dos Quenianos nas proximas eleicoes.

Votemos o presidente de acordo a pureza e a visao da sua deplomacia nao por causa da sua tribo de origem.

02-01-2008 21:12

2008 será pior do que 2007, considera Dlakhama

O ano de 2008 será 'pior que 2007' para Moçambique devido à entrada na zona de comércio livre da África Austral, que ontem arrancou, por decisão 'unilateral' do Presidente, sem que o país esteja preparado, acusou na segunda-feira o líder da RENAMO.

A 01 de Janeiro de 2008, os países membros da Comunidade de Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC), à excepção de Angola e da República Democrática do Congo, puseram em marcha a chamada zona de comércio livre.

O presidente da RENAMO manifestou o seu descontentamento por o chefe de Estado moçambicano, Armando Guebuza,não ter consultado o Parlamento e o Conselho de Estado sobre esta matéria.

A entrada de Moçambique nesta zona de comércio livre tem merecido fortes críticas de diferentes segmentos da sociedade civil, embora o Executivo de Maputo afirme que, caso os resultados da adesão sejam perniciosos para a economia, o país irá retirar-se.

'Nós, a RENAMO, estamos contra essa decisão, porque Moçambique não está preparado para entrar na integração regional. Moçambique não tem uma classe económica empresarial preparada para competir nem sequer com a da Suazilândia, um país pequeno da região austral de África', afirmou Dhlakama.

'Afinal, o Presidente Guebuza consultou quem? O país não é dele. Nem mesmo consultou o Parlamento. Pelos menos, que tivesse tido uma conversa com os membros do Conselho de
Estado' para falar sobre a entrada de Moçambique nesta zona, acrescentou.

Para Dhlakama, 'Moçambique deveria travar a sua entrada [neste organização], mesmo por 10 ou 15 anos. A sua entrada ia depender do desenvolvimento. Afinal, o que nos move a
entrar?'. 'Quando se adere a uma organização é para se aproveitar alguma coisa e Moçambique não vai aproveitar, passando apenas a vender produtos de outros países', afirmou.

Fazendo o balanço de 2007, Dhlakama disse que, este ano, Moçambique foi afectado por 'vários aspectos negativos' tais como as alegadas inconstitucionalidades do Presidente da República, algumas confirmadas pelo Conselho Constitucional, nomeadamente a criação de órgãos públicos: a Autoridade Nacional da Função Pública e o Conselho de Coordenação da
Legalidade e Justiça, após a denúncia por parte dosdeputados da RENAMO.

'Olhando para o ano político, posso dizer que a própria democracia está a recuar. Hoje não temos o mesmo ambiente que tínhamos há sete anos. Não digo que Joaquim Chissano fosse um bom Presidente da República, mas com ele havia diálogo, abertura, um esforço de mostrar aos moçambicanos a tendência de sermos democratas. Hoje, há um esforço no sentido de regressar ao monopartidarismo', disse.

Dhlakama exaltou os parlamentares da bancada do seu partido que, 'com sucesso, fizeram, pela primeira vez, levar a FRELIMO a aceitar as propostas da RENAMO'.

O líder da oposição destacou igualmente os resultados nefastos das calamidades naturais (cheias e ciclones) que assolaram as regiões centro e sul do país, no primeiro trimestre deste ano, bem como as explosões do paiol de Malhazine, que mataram 103 pessoas e feriram mais de 500 nalguns bairros periféricos de Maputo.

Sem nunca mencionar a reversão da posição accionista da Hidroeléctrica de Cahora Bassa (HCB) de Portugal para Moçambique, considerada pelo Presidente moçambicano como a segunda independência do país, após 500 anos de colonização portuguesa, Dhlakama negou que a vida dos moçambicanos esteja a melhorar.

Recentemente, o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI) fez uma avaliação positiva da economia moçambicana,cujo crescimento, nos últimos anos, ronda os sete por cento, considerando, por isso, que o país está a crescer.

Reagindo, o líder da principal força politica moçambicana disse: 'Embora respeite essa instituição, os argumentos que o FMI apresentou são para encorajar qualquer regime em
África. Não digo que não tenha dito a verdade, mas o que disse sobre o desenvolvimento é que houve desenvolvimento comparado com o período da guerra civil, altura em que
Moçambique estava de rastos.'

'Num país onde há desenvolvimento, este desenvolvimento é acertado com a melhoria das condições de vida da população', afirmou Dhlakama.

'Não podemos olhar só para as exportações do alumínio da Mozal, fazer análise de crescimento e dizer que o país está a desenvolver.É olhando para o desenvolvimento da população, dizer, por exemplo, que no ano X, 40% da população estava desempregada e, hoje, só 5% é que está desempregada', destacou.

'Acho que a população sofre mais hoje do que há cinco anos', aliás, 'se há um elemento que, há cinco anos, conseguia fazer o seu filho estudar, hoje não consegue, porque a vida
piorou: o povo está cada vez mais pobre, mais pé descalço, mas com meia dúzia de empresários', concluiu.

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Quénia: Comissão eleitoral pressionada a anunciar reeleição de Kibaki - presidente de organismo

Nairobi, 01 Jan (Lusa) - O presidente da comissão eleitoral do Quénia (ECK), Samuel Kivuitu, afirmou hoje ter sido pressionado a anunciar a reeleição do Chefe de Estado cessante Mwai Kibaki, no escrutínio seguido de violência inter étnica que fez mais de 300 mortos.

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Kivuitu afirmou que membros da missão da observação da União Europeia (UE) e da comissão nacional dos Direitos Humanos queniana queriam que o anúncio dos resultados fosse adiado uma semana para que pudessem ser examinadas as queixas de irregularidades.

Mas, adiantou Samuel Kivuitu, tanto o Partido de Unidade Nacional (PNU, no poder), como a oposição (Movimento Democrático Laranja (ODM), de Raila Odinga), pretendiam que os resultados fossem divulgados de imediato.

"Queria demitir-se, mas pensei que se o fizesse os cidadãos pensariam que tinha medo. Por isso decidi enfrentar o problema até ao fim", afirmou à imprensa, em Nairobi.

"Fui pressionado por todos os quadrantes (...) então tomei uma decisão assim que pude", disse.

O presidente do ECK proclamou vencedor das eleições o Presidente cessante Mwai Kibaki, apresar das queixas, segundo as quais o PNU cometeu irregularidades eleitorais, provocando motins e violência inter étnica que mataram mais de 300 pessoas desde quinta-feira.

Hoje, uma multidão enfurecida incendiou uma igreja onde se encontravam mais de 50 pessoas, que foram queimadas vivas, em Eldoret, oeste do país, segundo um voluntário da Cruz Vermelha.

De acordo com a Cruz Vermelha, que hoje realizou uma conferência de imprensa, os confrontos no oeste do país já causaram mais de 70 mil refugiados.

O assassínio de cerca de 50 "Kikuyus" da cidade de Eldoret, a some 300 quilómetros de Nairobi, elevou o número de mortos, dos últimos quarto dias, a cerca de 300, aumentando o receio de que o pior poderá estar ainda por vir.

"Eles incendiaram a igreja", disse George Karanja, cuja família procurou abrigo juntamente com outras 2.000 pessoas.

Karanja, 37 anos, disse ter conseguido tirar da igreja pelo menos 10 pessoas, mas não conseguiu salvar o filho da irmã, de 11 anos.

O Presidente Mwai Kibaki, que rapidamente tomou posse, domingo, para um segundo mandato pediu uma reunião com a oposição, amenizando o tom dos últimos dias O líder da oposição, Raila Odinga, recusou, afirmando que só se reunirá com Kibaki "se ele anunciar que não foi eleito".

A violência - que se propagou desde os "bairros de lata" de Nairobi às estâncias turísticas da costa veio expor ressentimentos tribais que há muito fervilham no Quénia.

As pessoas mortas em Eldoret eram membros da tribo "Kikuyu" de Kibaki. Os "Kikuyus", maior grupo étnico do Quénia são acusados de dominarem a política e os negócios do país.

Odinga pertence à tribo "Luo", mais pequena, apesar de importante, que afirma ter sido marginalizada.

A perspective de mais violência avizinha-se com o plano de Odinga marchar, quinta-feira, com um milhão de pessoas, nas ruas da capital, para protestar contra a proclamação de Kibaki.

O governo proibiu a manifestação, mas Odinga manteve o protesto, afirmando: "Não interessa o que eles dizem".

Segundo a delegação de observadores da União Europeia, quase todas as irregularidades detectadas beneficiaram o partido de Kibaki, que tomou posse menos de uma hora depois de ter sido anunciada a sua reeleição.

Os resultados oficiais deram a Mwai Kibaki 4.584.721 votos (46,38 por cento) e 4.352.993 votos (44,03 por cento) ao líder da oposição, Raila Odinga.

Para a oposição, Kibaki foi reeleito presidente graças a um milhão de votos fraudulentos.



© 2008 LUSA - Agência de Notícias de Portugal, S.A.
2008-01-01 21:25:01